- Quintessential Queensland
- Perceptions: how people understand the landscape
- From runs to closer settlement
- Geological survey of Queensland
- Mapping a new colony, 1860-80
- Mapping the Torres Strait: from TI to Magani Malu and Zenadh Kes
- Order in Paradise: a colonial gold field
- Queensland atlas, 1865
- Queensland mapping since 1900
- Rainforests of North Queensland
- Queenslanders: people in the landscape
- Aboriginal heroes: episodes in the colonial landscape
- Australian South Sea Islanders
- Cane fields and solidarity in the multiethnic north
- Colonial immigration to Queensland
- Greek Cafés in the landscape of Queensland
- Hispanics and human rights in Queensland’s public spaces
- Italians in north Queensland
- Lebanese in rural Queensland
- Queensland clothing
- Queensland for ‘the best kind of population, primary producers’
- Movement: how people move through the landscape
- Air travel in Queensland
- Bicycling through Brisbane, 1896
- Cobb & Co
- Journey to Hayman Island, 1938
- Law and story-strings
- Mobile kids: children’s explorations of Cherbourg
- Movable heritage of North Queensland
- The Queen in Queensland, 1954
- Transient Chinese in colonial Queensland
- Travelling times by rail
- Pathways: how things move through the landscape and where they are made
- Aboriginal dreaming paths and trading ways
- Chinese traders in the nineteenth century
- Introducing the cane toad
- Pituri bag
- Press and the media
- Radio in Queensland
- The telephone in Queensland
- ‘A little bit of love for me and a murder for my old man’: the Queensland Bush Book Club
- Separation: divisions in the landscape
- Asylums in the landscape
- Brisbane River
- Changing landscape of radicalism
- Civil government boundaries
- Convict Brisbane
- Dividing Queensland - Pauline Hanson’s One Nation Party
- High water mark: the shifting electoral landscape 2001-12
- Hospitals in the landscape
- Indigenous health
- Palm Island
- Secession movements
- Separate spheres: gender and dress codes
- Separating land, separating culture
- Stone walls do a prison make: law on the landscape
- The 1967 Referendum – the State comes together?
- Utopian communities
- Whiteness in the tropics
- Conflict: how people contest the landscape
- A tale of two elections – One Nation and political protest
- Battle of Brisbane – Australian masculinity under threat
- Dangerous spaces - youth politics in Brisbane, 1960s-70s
- Fortress Queensland 1942-45
- Grassy hills: colonial defence and coastal forts
- Great Shearers’ Strike of 1891
- Iwasaki project
- Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: straddling a barbed wire fence
- Mount Etna: Queensland's longest environmental conflict
- Native Police
- Skyrail Cairns
- Staunch but conservative – the trade union movement in Rockhampton
- The Chinese question
- Thomas Wentworth Wills and Cullin-la-ringo Station
- Imagination: how people have imagined Queensland
- Brisbane River and Moreton Bay: Thomas Welsby
- Changing views of the Glasshouse Mountains
- Imagining Queensland in film and television production
- Literary mapping of Brisbane in the 1990s
- Looking at Mount Coot-tha
- Mapping the Macqueen farm
- Mapping the mythic: Hugh Sawrey's ‘outback’
- People’s Republic of Woodford
- The Pineapple Girl
- The writers of Tamborine Mountain
- Vance and Nettie Palmer
- Memory: how people remember the landscape
- Berajondo and Mill Point: remembering place and landscape
- Cemeteries in the landscape
- Landscapes of memory: Tjapukai Dance Theatre and Laura Festival
- Out where the dead towns lie
- Queensland in miniature: the Brisbane Exhibition
- Roadside ++++ memorials
- Shipwrecks as graves
- The Dame in the tropics: Nellie Melba
- Vanished heritage
- War memorials
- Curiosity: knowledge through the landscape
- A playground for science: Great Barrier Reef
- Duboisia hopwoodii: a colonial curiosity
- Great Artesian Basin: water from deeper down
- In search of Landsborough
- James Cook’s hundred days in Queensland
- Mutual curiosity – Aboriginal people and explorers
- Queensland Acclimatisation Society
- Queensland’s own sea monster: a curious tale of loss and regret
- St Lucia: degrees of landscape
- Transformation: how the landscape has changed and been modified
- Kill, cure, or strangle: Atherton Tablelands
- National parks in Queensland
- Pastoralism 1860s–1915
- Prickly pear
- Repurchasing estates: the transformation of Durundur
- Sunshine Coast
- The Brigalow
- Walter Reid Cultural Centre, Rockhampton: back again
- Pleasure: how people enjoy the landscape
- Bushwalking in Queensland
- Cherbourg that’s my home: celebrating landscape through song
- Creating rural attractions
- Queer pleasure: masculinity, male homosexuality and public space
- Railway refreshment rooms
- Regional cinema
- Schoolies week: a festival of misrule
- The sporting landscape
- Visiting the Great Barrier Reef
Pauline Hanson the candidate was less effective than the political protest movement she spawned.
Her only success, at the March 1996 federal election, pre-dated the formation of One Nation by a year. She recorded the largest swing against the Keating Labor government – 19.3 per cent – in the seat of Oxley, in south Brisbane. Each subsequent federal election she contested between 1998 and 2007 she lost. She also failed at the Queensland state election of 2009, and in New South Wales in 2003.
For all those rejections, she still looms large in the state and national story because she turned politics on its head between 1996 and 2001.
Ms Hanson’s maiden speech to parliament in September 1996 divided the nation into two shrill camps: those who thought she was speaking out on behalf of ordinary Australians and those who thought she was a racist.
She formed One Nation six months later, in March 1997, and the opening round of Newspoll surveys showed she had attracted votes from all parties. The Liberal Party suffered the most, especially among men aged 50-plus who switched from the John Howard-led government to One Nation.
The rise of One Nation triggered a three-way shadow war between Liberal, National and Labor. The Liberals feared losing seats to Labor through One Nation preferences; the Nationals feared losing seats directly to One Nation.
The competition between Coalition and Labor would help reshape the Queensland and the Federal political landscapes. At the State level, Queensland turned centre left, to Peter Beattie’s Labor. But at the Federal level, Queensland stuck with John Howard’s Coalition.
Tactical responses - 1998 elections
Mr Beattie and Mr Howard differed in their tactical responses to One Nation. But each leader prevailed for the same basic reason: they beat Ms Hanson at their own game, politics.
One Nation’s ballot box debut at the Queensland State election in June 1998 was stunning. Rob Borbidge’s Coalition government had a one seat majority in the 89-member parliament and had the most at stake. The National and Liberal parties advised their supporters to place One Nation ahead of Labor when allocating their preference votes. Labor, by contrast, placed One Nation last.
The Labor strategy had the advantage of mixing principle with pragmatism. It was a pitch calculated to move city-based conservatives who didn’t like One Nation into the Labor column. The Coalition had the more complicated operation. It was trying to retrieve conservative votes that went to One Nation via the back door of preferences.
The election result vindicated Labor, just. It held its number at 44 seats, while the Coalition lost 12 seats – 11 of which went to One Nation – to finish with 32. That left Labor one seat short of a majority, as it had been before the election. But Mr Beattie managed to form government with the support of one of the two independents.
One Nation pulled in a primary vote of 22.7 per cent. Labor calculated that 7 per cent came off its own base and another 14 per cent from the Coalition.
The message for the Howard government was there was no political benefit in courting One Nation preferences for the upcoming Federal election, which was held in September 1998. Mr Howard turned his campaign into a referendum on tax reform, denying Ms Hanson a platform on her favoured subjects of race and protectionism.
Mr Howard had initially been agnostic toward Ms Hanson. He didn’t want to offend her followers by attacking her directly. The 1998 Federal election was a near-death experience for the Coalition. It lost the popular vote to Labor after preferences by 49 per cent to 51 per cent, but was able to contain the swing against it in many suburban and regional electorates in New South Wales and Queensland to leave it with a comfortable majority.
One Nation collected 8.4 per cent of the primary votes for the House of Representatives in 1998, making it the third-most popular party after Labor and Liberal. Ms Hanson lost her bid for the new seat of Blair. Queensland was One Nation’s strongest state, where the vote was 14.4 per cent.
A relieved Mr Howard thought One Nation had been beaten. But the party re-emerged as an existential threat in 2001. Again the State election in February was held before the Federal poll in November. Again the Coalition sought preferences from One Nation. Only this time the result was a landslide to Labor. Mr Beattie’s government was returned with 66 of the 89 seats. One Nation was reduced from 11 seats to 3 and its primary vote collapsed from 22.7 per cent to 8.7 per cent. The Nationals were left with 12 seats (down 9) and the Liberals with 3 seats (down 6), while the remaining 5 seats went to independents (up 3).
Mr Howard took one look at the State result and decided he had to return One Nation primary votes to the Federal Coalition camp. The issue that helped deliver this ambition was border protection. At the 2001 Federal election, One Nation’s vote halved. It dropped by 4.3 per cent across Australia to just 4.1 per cent, and by 7.3 per cent in Queensland to 7.1 per cent.
Tellingly, the Liberal primary vote increased by almost the same amount that it fell for One Nation: 3.2 per cent nationally and 5.6 per cent in Queensland.
Date created:24 September 2010
Copyright © George Megalogenis, 2010